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    If the trade unionist Jimmy Hoffa were alive today, he would probably represent civil servants. When Hoffa’s Teamsters were in their prime in 1960, only one in ten American government workers belonged to a union; now 36% do. In 2009 the number of unionists in America’s public sector passed that of their fellow members in the private sector. In Britain, more than half of public-sector workers but only about 15% of private-sector ones are unionized.

    There are three reasons for the public-sector unions’ thriving. First, they can shut things down without suffering much in the way of consequences. Second, they are mostly bright and well-educated. A quarter of America’s public-sector workers have a university degree. Third, they now dominate left-of-centre politics. Some of their ties go back a long way. Britain’s Labor Party, as its name implies, has long been associated with trade unionism. Its current leader, Ed Miliband, owes his position to votes from public-sector unions.

    At the state level their influence can be even more fearsome. Mark Baldassare of the Public Policy Institute of California points out that much of the state’s budget is patrolled by unions. The teachers’ unions keep an eye on schools, the CCPOA on prisons and a variety of labor groups on health care.

    In many rich countries average wages in the state sector are higher than in the private one. But the real gains come in benefits and work practices. Politicians have repeatedly “backloaded” public-sector pay deals, keeping the pay increases modest but adding to holidays and especially pensions that are already generous.

    Reform has been vigorously opposed, perhaps most notoriously in education, where charter schools, academies and merit pay all faced drawn-out battles. Even though there is plenty of evidence that the quality of the teachers is the most important variable, teachers’ unions have fought against getting rid of bad ones and promoting good ones.

    As the cost to everyone else has become clearer, politicians have begun to clamp down. In Wisconsin the unions have rallied thousands of supporters against Scott Walker, the hardline Republican governor. But many within the public sector suffer under the current system, too.

    John Donahue at Harvard’s Kennedy School points out that the norms of culture in Western civil services suit those who want to stay put but are bad for high achievers. The only American public-sector workers who earn well above $250,000 a year are university sports coaches and the president of the United States. Bankers’ fat pay packets have attracted much criticism, but a public-sector system that does not reward high achievers may be a much bigger problem for America.

39. The example of the unions in Wisconsin shows that unions ________.

A
often run against the current political system
B
can change people’s political attitudes
C
may be a barrier to public-sector reforms
D
are dominant in the government
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答案:

C

解析:

答案精析:根据题干中的Wisconsin可定位至原文倒数第二段第二句。该句指出,威斯康星州的工会召集了数千名支持者反对强硬的共和党州长斯科特·沃克。从第四段首句可知,改革遭到工会的强烈反对,本段首句指出,由于工会对其他人的损害变得明显,政治家开始施压,这里斯科特·沃克应该就是强硬(hardline)施压的政治家之一,工会反对他体现了工会对改革的阻碍,故C选项为正确答案。

错项排除:原文只是提到工会反对改革,现有体制下的公共部门中很多人同样日子不好过,无法得出工会经常反对现有体制,故A选项错误。B选项在原文中并未体现,故错误。原文第二段只是提到工会在中偏左政治中占主导地位,并非整个政府,故D选项错误。

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