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    It is not controversial to say that an unhealthy diet causes bad health. Nor are the basic elements of healthy eating disputed. Obesity raises susceptibility to cancer, and Britain is the sixth most obese country on Earth. That is a public health emergency. But naming the problem is the easy part. No one disputes the costs in quality of life and depleted health budgets of an obese population, but the quest for solutions gets diverted by ideological arguments around responsibility and choice. And the water is muddied by lobbying from the industries that profit from consumption of obesity-inducing products.

    Historical precedent suggests that science and politics can overcome resistance from businesses that pollute and poison, but it takes time, and success often starts small. So it is heartening to note that a programme in Leeds has achieved a reduction in childhood obesity, becoming the first UK city to reverse a fattening trend. The best results were among younger children and in more deprived areas. When 28% of English children aged two to 15 are obese, a national shift on the scale achieved by Leeds would lengthen hundreds of thousands of lives. A significant factor in the Leeds experience appears to be a scheme called HENRY, which helps parents reward behaviours that prevent obesity in children.

    Many members of parliament are uncomfortable even with their own government’s anti-obesity strategy, since it involves a “sugar tax” and a ban on the sale of energy drinks to under-16s. Bans and taxes can be blunt instruments, but their harshest critics can rarely suggest better methods. These critics just oppose regulation itself.

    The relationship between poor health and inequality is too pronounced for governments to be passive about large-scale intervention. People living in the most deprived areas are four times more prone to die from avoidable causes than counterparts in more affluent places. As the structural nature of public health problems becomes harder to ignore, the complaint about overprotective government loses potency.

    In fact, the polarised debate over public health interventions should have been abandoned long ago. Government action works when individuals are motivated to respond. Individuals need governments that expand access to good choices. The HENRY programme was delivered in part through children’s centres. Closing such centres and cutting council budgets doesn’t magically increase reserves of individual self-reliance. The function of a well-designed state intervention is not to deprive people of liberty but to build social capacity and infrastructure that helps people take responsibility for their wellbeing. The obesity crisis will not have a solution devised by left or right ideology—but experience indicates that the private sector needs the incentive of regulation before it starts taking public health emergencies seriously.

48. What does the author imply about some critics of bans and taxes concerning unhealthy drinks? 

A
They are not aware of the consequences of obesity.
B
They have not come up with anything more constructive.
C
They are uncomfortable with parliament’s anti-obesity debate.
D
They have their own motives in opposing government regulation.
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答案:

B

解析:

解析:B。根据题干中的critics、bans and taxes和unhealthy drinks可定位到原文第三段。第三段第一句指出,议会里有许多成员甚至对自己政府制定的反肥胖战略感到不安,因为该战略涉及“糖税”和向16岁以下儿童出售能量饮料的禁令。随后第二句指出,禁令和征税这些手段可能很强硬,但即使最激进的抨击者也几乎无法提出更好的办法。B项中的come up with anything more constructive对应原文的rarely suggest better methods,故为正确答案。

错项排除:原文中说到抨击者也无法提出更好的办法,说明他们并不是没有意识到肥胖的后果,故排除A项。原文中提到议会成员对政府制定的反肥胖战略感到不安,并不是指抨击者,C项说批评者对议会的反肥胖辩论感到不安,属于偷换概念,故排除。原文中指出这些抨击者只是反对制度本身,并没有提到他们有自己的动机,故D项排除。

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本文链接:48. What does the author imply about some critics

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