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    Madrid was hailed as a public health beacon last November when it rolled out ambitious restrictions on the most polluting cars. Seven months and one election day later, a new conservative city council suspended enforcement of the clean air zone, a first step toward its possible demise.

    Mayor José Luis Martínez-Almeida made opposition to the zone a centrepiece of his election campaign, despite its success in improving air quality. A judge has now overruled the city’s decision to stop levying fines, ordering them reinstated. But with legal battles ahead, the zone’s future looks uncertain at best.

    Among other weaknesses, the measures cities must employ when left to tackle dirty air on their own are politically contentious, and therefore vulnerable. That’s because they inevitably put the costs of cleaning the air on to individual drivers—who must pay fees or buy better vehicles—rather than on to the car manufacturers whose cheating is the real cause of our toxic pollution.

    It’s not hard to imagine a similar reversal happening in London. The new ultra-low emission zone (Ulez) is likely to be a big issue in next year’s mayoral election. And if Sadiq Khan wins and extends it to the North and South Circular roads in 2021 as he intends, it is sure to spark intense opposition from the far larger number of motorists who will then be affected.

    It’s not that measures such as London’s Ulez are useless. Far from it. Local officials are using the levers that are available to them to safeguard residents’ health in the face of a serious threat. The zones do deliver some improvements to air quality, and the science tells us that means real health benefits—fewer heart attacks, strokes and premature births, less cancer, dementia and asthma. Fewer untimely deaths.

    But mayors and councilors can only do so much about a problem that is far bigger than any one city or town. They are acting because national governments—Britain’s and others across Europe—have failed to do so.

    Restrictions that keep highly polluting cars out of certain areas—city centres, “school streets”, even individual roads—are a response to the absence of a larger effort to properly enforce existing regulations and require auto companies to bring their vehicles into compliance. Wales has introduced special low speed limits to minimise pollution. We’re doing everything but insist that manufacturers clean up their cars.

33. The author believes that the extension of London’s Ulez will ________.

A
arouse strong resistance
B
ensure Khan’s electoral success
C
improve the city’s trafficimprove the city’s traffic
D
discourage car manufacturing
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答案:

A

解析:

答案精析:本题为细节题。根据题干中的extension of London’s Ulez可定位至原文第四段。该段第二句提到了伦敦新的超低排放区(ultra-low emission zone)。后面第三句接着说到,如果萨迪克·汗获胜,并按照他的计划将其延伸(extends it)至南北环路,那么这势必会遭到更多受到影响的汽车司机的强烈反对。原文中extends it里的it指代的就是London’s Ulez,由此可知,伦敦超低排放区的扩大将会引起强烈的反对,故正确答案为A。

错项排除:B项利用原文中的election和Sadiq Khan wins进行干扰,但原文说的是新的超低排放区很可能在明年的市长选举(mayoral election)中成为一个大问题。如果萨迪克·汗获胜(Sadiq Khan wins),并按照他的计划在2021年将超低排放区延伸至南北环路,那么这势必会遭到更多受到影响的汽车司机的强烈反对。并没有说伦敦超低排放区的扩大是否会确保萨迪克·汗选举成功,故B项错误。文中没有提及超低排放区对交通的影响,C项内容在文中没有依据,故排除。D项利用原文第三段最后的car manufacturers进行干扰,但该句说的是汽车制造商的欺骗行为才是造成空气污染的真正原因,并不是说伦敦超低排放区的扩大会抑制汽车制造业,故D项错误。

长难句分析:And if Sadiq Khan wins and extends it to the North and South Circular roads in 2021 as he intends, it is sure to spark intense opposition from the far larger number of motorists who will then be affected.

本句的主干为…it is sure to…,是主系表结构。前半句中,And为连接词,if…in 2021 as he intends为if引导的条件状语从句,其中as he intends作方式状语修饰前面的部分。在后半句中,it为形式主语,后面的不定式to spark…motorists为真正的主语,句子结尾是who引导的定语从句,修饰motorists。

句意为:而且,如果萨迪克·汗获胜,并如愿在2021年将超低排放区延伸至南北环路,那么这势必会遭到更多受到影响的汽车司机的强烈反对。

创作类型:
原创

本文链接:33. The author believes that the extension of Lond

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